By Chambi Chachage, Annar Cassam
Julius Kambarage Nyerere, the 1st president of Tanzania, was once a Pan-Africanist and an internationalist, and this ebook comprises contributions from major commentators—those who labored and fought imperialism along Nyerere, contributors of a more youthful new release, and Nyerere in his personal phrases. The writings ponder Nyerere and liberation, the Commonwealth, management, financial improvement, land, human rights, and schooling. certainly, they seem to be a testomony to the turning out to be reputation of the necessity to re-ignite the fires of African socialism to which Nyerere used to be deeply dedicated.
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Extra info for Africa's liberation: the legacy of Nyerere
25 Africa’s Liberation Today, we are involved in the celebration of the present, an era in which not production but the markets and stock exchanges are the determining aspect of social life. It is an era when it is said it is possible for the state to withdraw from social provisioning since the market can fill the vacuum created by its withdrawal. To the extent that markets can create conditions for development and human welfare, the state in its current form can only confine itself to the management of law and order.
This was a ridiculous situation so we had to legalise the one-party system and then have opposition inside it in order to have democracy and debate. This has had extremely good results. It has given this country one of its major strengths – unity. Of course unity is based on many different things but the unity we have built through the one-party system has been a very strong one because it has also allowed the party to articulate the reasonable aspirations of the majority of our people. Philosophically speaking, I am not a believer in the one-party system exclusively; my own inclination is towards a multiparty 12 Nyerere talks to El Mussawar system but I do not regard that system to be the only way to democracy.
He not only dismissed the notion of the existence of classes prior to colonisation but did not acknowledge their evolution during the colonial period. In 1967 Tanzania declared its intention to build socialism on the basis of self-reliance. Julius Nyerere was definitely the intellectual power behind the Arusha Declaration. In fact the sociologist Jeanette Hartmann, who taught at the University of Dar es 36 An intellectual in power Salaam, has stated that it was written by Nyerere himself, claiming that she had seen the draft in Mwalimu Nyerere’s handwriting (Hodd, 1988).