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Extra info for Descartes' Natural Philosophy (Routledge Studies in Seventeenth Century Philosophy)
She further tries to show that this concern with distinctions that underlies Arendtian love of the world is essentially a political concern that manifests itself in judgements about what ought and ought not to appear in the world and therefore stands opposed to an undiscriminating love of all that is. However, while Villa draws the conclusion that Nietzsche and Arendt are engaged in fundamentally different projects and that Arendt therefore cannot be called a Nietzschean, Roodt concludes her paper by arguing that what is at stake in the opposition between Nietzsche and Arendt is precisely our capacity to maintain the tension between the furor philosophicus and the furor politicus and hence between two kinds of reconciliation with the world.
Nietzsche and contemporary political theory 29 Allsobrook is primarily concerned to undermine what he considers to be a false distinction between ideology critique proper (as practised by critical theorists) and genealogy as a supposedly ‘botched’ version of the same thing. The assumption underlying this distinction is that genealogy, unlike ideology critique, cannot liberate us from false consciousness precisely because it doesn’t accept the possibility of liberation from power and from the restrictions of perspectival seeing and knowing.
In light of this argument, Saar concludes that Nietzsche’s notion of the multiplicity of power in so far as it is manifested in different relations of domination, his emphasis on the psychological component of the will to power, as well as the central position he accords to power in subject-formation has a direct relevance for contemporary critical social inquiry. Paul Patton’s essay demonstrates this relevance in an admirable way, in so far as he applies Nietzsche’s genealogical treatment of power to our contemporary reflection on rights and duties within as well as between political communities.