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This may well have prepared the way for the sort of home-school contracts which, under the previous Government's proposals, could have been used by oversubscribed schools to exclude undeserving applicants. Concern about the wider implications of selection by interest and aptitude led Gewirtz et al. (1995) to suggest that 'unusual talent' in (for example) music and dance was being used by some schools to enhance the entry of academically able children from middle-class families. Such partial selection may of course make some inner-city comprehensives more academically comprehensive than they would have been otherwise, on the 'magnet' principle of attracting applicants across usual social and ethnic boundaries through the power of a specialized curriculum.

Nor does research into children's and parents' reasons for choosing a secondary school show much evidence of choice being shaped by a preference for any educational 'style' significantly different from traditional models (Edwards and Whitty 1997: Glatter et al. 1997; Echols and Willms 1995). Market advocates sometimes explain this as a consequence of consumer demand having been suppressed for so long by the LEA 'monopoly' that the true causal relationships between choice and diversity have not yet had time to become evident.

Most graduates do indeed benefit themselves to a certain extent, but many of them are also a benefit to the economic and social institutions which go on to employ them. Whilst the new Labour government recognizes the economic and social benefits of higher education and is keen to expand opportunities, it wants individuals and their families to pay more of the cost. The plan for students' families to pay up-front means-tested contributions to tuition fees excludes the poorest families who will pay no fees at all, whilst well-off families will pay £1000 per year from Autumn 1998.

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