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By Philip D. Curtin

Curtin combines glossy study and statistical equipment together with his wide wisdom of the sector to offer the 1st book-length quantitative research of the Atlantic slave alternate. Its simple proof indicates revision of at the moment held reviews about the position of the slave alternate within the economies of the previous international countries and their American colonies.

“Curtin’s paintings won't in basic terms be the start line for all destiny examine at the slave alternate and comparative slavery, yet turns into an vital reference for an individual attracted to Afro-American studies.”—Journal of yankee History

“Curtin has produced a stimulating monograph, the made from immaculate scholarship, opposed to which all earlier and destiny reports must be judged.”—Journal of yankee Studies

“Professor Curtin’s new publication is as much as his prevalent ordinary of functionality: in the limits he set for himself, The Atlantic Slave alternate may possibly infrequently be a greater or extra vital book.”—American ancient Review

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Review

“Curtin has written a brilliantly provocative publication that are meant to bring about a number of new inquiries.”—Hispanic American ancient Review

About the Author

Philip D. Curtin (1922-2009) was once writer of a dead ringer for Africa and Jamaicas. He edited Africa Remembered, a set of narratives via former slaves and others considering the slave exchange. He was once a member of the dept of historical past on the collage of Wisconsin from 1956-1975. From 1975 until eventually the time of his dying, he was once a member of the school of Johns Hopkins collage.

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The Foreign Office estimates of 1848 were presumably prepared under the direction of James Bandinel. If they are combined with his estimates for 1817-20, published elsewhere,36 the Cuban slave imports of 1817-26 come to 366,l78. 7 per cent, Bandinel's estimates could only be correct if the annual rate of net natural 36. Bandinel, Trade in Slaves, pp. 284-86. 7 per cent. This is not only far higher than the rates of natural decrease commonly found in the Caribbean; it is higher than the Cuban rates for periods immediately preceding and following this one.

17 His further estimates of numbers imported into particular countries, however, were out of line with the monographic research of recent decades, being especially low for Brazil and the West Indies. The new approach was welcome, but the demography was weak, the data were insufficient, and Wiedner himself no longer supports such a low estimate. The surprising fact here is that Wiedner's book was virtually alone, among recent English-language general works on African history or on the history of the slave trade, in trying to go beyond the repetition of nineteenth-century guesswork.

When it can be established that the other variables were nearly constant, then 5. Deerr, History of Sugar, 2:283. 6. See P. D. Curtin, "Epidemiology and the Slave Trade," Political Science Quarterly, 83: 190-216 (1968) where this point is made in greater detail. 20 THE ATLANTIC SLAVE TRADE calculation by analogy-like that between Madeira and Nevisshould be valid. With Madeira and Nevis, however, the disease environments were not closely comparable, and Madeira attracted a large population from Europe as well as from Africa.

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