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By Michael L. Dockrill;Dr John Fisher
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Extra resources for The Paris Peace Conference, 1919: Peace without Victory?
Example text
It has been argued that avoiding the amputations of territories inhabited by mainly German-speaking peoples might have encouraged the Weimar governments to accept the verdict of defeat. The losses to Poland, which put Germans under the rule of Poles, created a deep and abiding sense of grieviance not matched elsewhere. Nor was the principle of self-determination applied to the empires of the victors, though the mandate system, the first formal recognition that the rulers had some kind of responsibility towards those that they ruled, was a small first step towards the possibility of self-rule.
Whatever was done to assist the Russians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Syrians, Armenians, as well as at least two-thirds of the 80 000 refugees who left Germany before 1935, was due to the efforts of a few individuals working under the aegis of the League’s protection system. The creation of nation-states opened up a Pandora’s box of conflicts and tensions. It was already open in 1919 and could not be resealed. The present day break-up of empires and states only underlines the persistence of nationalist aspirations.
Similarly, the Germans used the threat of bolshevisation, the absence of dialogue with the victors, the violations of the Fourteen Points, and so on, as means to get the Treaty terms modified. Even before it was presented to the Germans, the ‘diktat’ was branded as unjust. It was the Germans themselves who turned the so-called infamous article 231 into an Zara Steiner 19 Allied charge of Germany’s sole responsibility for the war. Penned by Norman Davis and John Foster Dulles, it was intended to distinguish between Germany’s moral responsibility for the war and its legal liability for the damage to persons and property, in the knowlege that the Germans could not possibly pay the bill that would result from the Allied deliberations.