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By Carmina Brittain

Brittain experiences how chinese language and Mexican immigrant scholars trade information regarding their studies and perceptions of yankee faculties. She considers 3 particular occasions: sooner than immigration, upon access to the united states, and after many years of residing within the U.S. and attending U.S. faculties. problems with educational calls for, fee of schooling, price of the English language, social struggles, and racial confrontations are topics that those scholars check with their co-nationals. Her findings spotlight the fears and realities of racial discrimination, expectancies of reduce educational criteria in the USA, and the original methods the scholars' varied cultural backgrounds form their responses to immigration.

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Additional info for Transnational Messages: Experiences of Chinese and Mexican Immigrants in American Schools

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However, the emergence of “transnational” media that directly address the needs of immigrant communities for entertainment and information demonstrates the media response to the emergence of transnational social spaces. (Glendhill, 1998). , Latin America and Asia) constitute the North-South media. These media provide hegemonic messages of life in the United States and Europe, usually in the context of “cultural imperialism” (Karim, 1998). Media in this context are a major vehicle for the diffusion of hegemonic messages that Smith (1998b) discusses as part of the sending state’s relationship to the global capitalist system and to the receiving state.

By adopting an identity along national or ethnic lines, transnational people may gain access to the human collectivities that can be considered transnational social spaces (Portes, 1996a). S. often “declare themselves to be part of Haiti” (p. 345). Armstrong (1998) argues that the emergence of transnational communities challenges the nation-states’ more homogeneous definitions of what constitutes a distinctive society. The reconstruction of nation beyond territorial boundaries has often been cited as the emergence of the imaginary community (Anderson, 1991; Appadurai, 1996).

Have discovered their roots in Miao culture in China thanks to “travel videos” that depict Chinese Miao and are heavily marketed in American Hmong communities (Schein, 1998). S. , radio, magazines, and newspapers) to maintain the cultural links between the country of origin and the new locality (Besserer, 1998; Landolt, Austler, & Baires, 1999). Radio stations in the Central Valley of California promote regional music and the Mixtec language to the re-territorialized San Juanenses in California (Besserer, 1998).

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