Download From Slavery to Poverty: The Racial Origins of Welfare in by Gunja SenGupta PDF
By Gunja SenGupta
The racially charged stereotype of "welfare queen"—an allegedly promiscuous waster who makes use of her young ones as meal tickets funded through tax-payers—is a well-known icon in sleek the US, yet as Gunja SenGupta unearths in From Slavery to Poverty, her old roots run deep. For, SenGupta argues, the language and associations of negative reduction and reform have traditionally served as boards for inventing and negotiating identity.Mining a large array of resources on nineteenth-century big apple City’s interlocking community of non-public benevolence and municipal reduction, SenGupta indicates that those associations promoted a racialized definition of poverty and citizenship. yet additionally they provided a framework during which operating bad New Yorkers—recently freed slaves and disfranchised loose blacks, Afro-Caribbean sojourners and Irish immigrants, intercourse employees and unemployed workers, and moms and children—could problem stereotypes and provide replacement visions of group. hence, SenGupta argues, lengthy sooner than the appearance of the twentieth-century welfare nation, the discourse of welfare in its nineteenth-century incarnation created an area to speak about neighborhood, race, and state; approximately what it intended to be “American,” who belonged, and who didn't. Her paintings presents old context for realizing why this present day the thought of "welfare"—with all its derogatory “un-American” connotations—is linked now not with middle-class entitlements like Social safeguard and Medicare, yet fairly with courses unique on the negative, that are wrongly assumed to learn essentially city African american citizens.
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Additional resources for From Slavery to Poverty: The Racial Origins of Welfare in New York, 1840-1918
Sample text
The story of Howard’s evolution, from a black-run civic organization into a Northern industrial school under predominantly white management after 1913, is rich with clues to the parallels and differences between elite black and Protestant white interpretations of national identity implicit in their respective views of benevolence management and the goals of welfare. On the one hand, Howard’s black staff joined its mostly white Progressive-era Managers in Introduction 25 turning hallowed American ideals like individualism and equal opportunity into arguments against racial nationalism.
Enslaved men and women seized the opportunity to run away, fight whichever side promised them freedom, or else subvert their work routines and the etiquettes of social relations between themselves and their masters. War and the erosion of slavery progressively absolved masters of responsibility toward their former slaves and brought many black New Yorkers without means into a new relationship with the state. In 1784 the legislature authorized the sale of confiscated Tory estates and the manumission of slaves belonging to those estates.
4 African slavery racialized New York, the largest slave society outside the plantation South. Inaugurated by the Dutch West India Company to meet the labor demands of white merchants, farmers and artisans, black bondage expanded in the century after the conquest of the colony by the English. The enslaved—drawn variously and in successive waves from 32 Subaltern Worlds in Antebellum New York the British and Dutch Caribbean islands of Jamaica, Barbados, Antigua, and Curacao; the west African nations of the Akan-Asante, Popo, Moko, Ibo, Yoruba, Adra, and Jon; and the east African coast—made up over one-third of the newcomers to New York between 1732 and 1754.