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By John Lie
In glossy states, John Lie argues, rules of race, ethnicity, and nationality may be subsumed less than the rubric of "peoplehood." He argues certainly, that the fashionable kingdom has created the belief of peoplehood. that's, the doubtless primitive, atavistic emotions of belonging linked to ethnic, racial, and nationwide id are principally shaped through the nation. not just is the kingdom answerable for the improvement and nurturing of those emotions, it's also liable for racial and ethnic clash, even genocide. whilst voters ponder themselves when it comes to their peoplehood id, they'll certainly find the reason for all troubles--from local squabbles to wars--in racial, ethnic, or nationwide attitudes and conflicts. faraway from being transhistorical and transcultural phenomena, race, ethnicity, and kingdom, Lie argues, are sleek notions--modernity the following linked to the increase of the fashionable kingdom, the economic financial system, and Enlightenment rules.
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Extra resources for Modern Peoplehood
Sample text
The master explanation for human diversity was the idea of evolution—“the main tendency of human society has been to pass from a savage to a civilized state” (Tylor 1970:32; cf. Burrow 1966:98). Whereas primitive people were believed to share folkways and customs because they were homogeneous and timeless, the predominant characterization of modern societies stressed refinement and cultivation in the manner of Matthew Arnold’s Culture and Anarchy (1869). Culture in the Arnoldian sense is precisely what is not widely disseminated.
The task is especially intractable in large countries. The Soviet Union in the 1970s had 130 major languages despite the effort to create a single “speech community” (M. Smith 1998:168–176). But it is no different in relatively small countries. In the early nineteenth century, there were five major languages in Norway: Danish (the language of the colonizer), literary standard (“a Norweigian reading pronunciation of Danish used on solemn occasions”), colloquial standard (“the daily speech of the educated classes”), urban substandard (spoken by artisans and workers), and rural dialects (“varying from parish to parish”) (Haugen 1966:31).
Similarly, Muslim immigrants are racialized as Muslims (cf. Metcalf 1996). Roughly 40,000 Hutterites in North America claim descent from 425 settlers in the 1870s, exercise endogamy, and continue a distinct way of life. Would their categorization as an ethnonational group distort their fundamental identity as a religious community? Polemically put, shouldn’t Christians in first-century Anatolia be characterized as racial or ethnic Jews (cf. Mitchell 1993:11–43)? If not, why not as Christians? Was Paul Jewish or Christian (Boyarin 1994:2)?