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By David Turley
Deals an account of the final form of organised antislavery from its beginnings within the 1780s, and gives clean views from which to evaluate contending interpretations of antislavery.
summary: bargains an account of the general form of organised antislavery from its beginnings within the 1780s, and gives clean views from which to evaluate contending interpretations of antislavery
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Additional resources for The culture of English antislavery, 1780-1860
Example text
These calculations account for the enthusiasm with which some reformers embraced and recommended models for the development of self-regulation amongst slaves. Reformers showed some knowledge of Spanish American provisions of work for wages to allow self-purchase by slaves at a formally agreed price. But most attention was given, and especially by Clarkson, to the ideas and experiments of Joshua Steele of Barbados. His activities had been known to some antislavery figures long before, but in 1814 his Mitigation of Slavery was published along with an extensive and favourable account by the Scots abolitionist William Dickson in the form of Letters to Thomas Clarkson.
His activities had been known to some antislavery figures long before, but in 1814 his Mitigation of Slavery was published along with an extensive and favourable account by the Scots abolitionist William Dickson in the form of Letters to Thomas Clarkson. Clarkson publicised it to colleagues, to American abolitionists and to reform-minded West Indian proprietors like ‘Monk’ Lewis. Steele’s starting point was that slaves as much as all other men were subject to the law of human behaviour which said that conduct could be modified through the deployment of rewards and punishments; the point of his experiment was to offer rewards to his slaves for defined tasks when in the past they had primarily experienced punishment.
28 Davis has indicated the reluctance of the London committee to adopt officially the equalisation policy as a path to emancipation. It was a policy he presents largely as Cropper’s. The reality was that provincial reformers generally took the ideological initiative away from London on this important point. What Liverpool abolitionists initially expressed other local associations—in Hull, Norwich and Leicestershire for example—rapidly adopted. The London committee’s acquiescence in 1825 was in part a mark of the force of provincial abolitionist attitudes.