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82. , p. 83. Based on this substantivist assertion, many on the right argued that denying Germans their national unity would only serve to foment irrationalist desires. 2 (1992): pp. 91–106. Significantly, this was also used opportunistically to legitimize the callous Realpolitik of Helmut Kohl. See George G. Iggers, The German Conception of History; the National Tradition of Historical Thought from Herder to the Present (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1968). For further discussion of this see Ruth Starkman’s article in this volume.
See George Mosse, Germans and Jews. The Right, the Left, and the Search for a ‘Third Force’ in Pre-Nazi Germany (Detroit: Wayne Press, 1970), pp. 181–225, esp. pp. 3–33. 43. The extensive literature on intellectuals and the 1920s is an intellectual historical phenomenon itself, primarily in the 1960s, but also extending to the present. , in order of their original publication: Helmut Plessner, Die verspätete 34 / brett r. wheeler 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. Nation (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1974), esp.
Bahr, “Die Hauptstadt Europas,” p. 238. 40. For a discussion of the important mythico-political ramifications in Germany of prophesies by Joachimite de Fiore, especially as a reaction to the death of Frederick II and the possibility of the last Hohenstaufen to return, vanquish the pope, and restore the imperial piece see Thomas Ketron, “The Myth of Identity: Frederick II as a Legendary Figure,” unpublished manuscript. 41. For a thorough and broad discussion of the academic intellectual response to these problems from the end of the Second Empire to the end of the Weimar Republic, see Fritz Ringer, Decline of the German Mandarins.